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The
Beginnings of Protest
In
April, 1988, two southern Bhutanese members of the Royal Advisory Council
submitted a cautiously worded petition to the King outlining southern Bhutanese
concerns about the census. The
petition reported "Census Teams are questioning the people with undue
threats," "Citizenship Identity Cards already issued have been
confiscated," village elders "are not permitted to testify the
credentials of their village people," "illiterate and simple village
people are being coerced into signing documents, the contents of which are not
known to them," and "the people believe that this is not a routine
exercise as it is made out to be."[71]
The
cabinet declared the petition seditious, focusing the blame on one of the authors, Tek Nath Rizal. Rizal
was removed from office, arrested and held for three days.
His release was secured after signing a confession and an agreement not
to meet with more than three people at one time.
Faced with constant surveillance and insecurity, Rizal left Bhutan for
Nepal in July, 1988.[72] Refugees report
that seven people from Chirang who had been involved in the drafting of
a separate petition to the King were arrested,
held for up to three days, and later harassed through tactics such as
being denied trade permits and refused participation in district meetings.
In
July, 1989, a small group of dissidents in Nepal formed the Peoples Forum for
Human Rights (PFHR) to address the human rights situation in Bhutan, and elected
Rizal as chairperson.[73]
The group published several booklets which were distributed in Bhutan and
subsequently declared seditious. In
October, 1989, Ratan Gazmere, a lecturer at the National Institute of Education,
was arrested as "one of the main persons responsible for printing and
distributing seditious pamphlets" and accused of various anti-national
activities such as having "some students refuse to wear 'ghos' and 'kiras'
during the winter vacation and instigate the people in villages to follow their
example."[74]
Gazmere
was not alone, and from October to December 1989, "a total of 45 people
were arrested for their involvement in the writing of 'seditious pamphlets',
among them Tek Nath Rizal who along with Jogen Gazmere and Sushil Pokhrel was
arrested in Nepal on 15 November 1989 and handed over to Bhutanese
authorities."[75]
Most of these prisoners were released on January 19, 1990, and the remaining six,
adopted as prisoners of conscience by Amnesty International, were held
incommunicado without trial. Five
of these six were finally released after periods of detention ranging from 26 to
28 months, and Rizal is still imprisoned.[76]
"Anti-national
Activity" and Mass Arrests
Amnesty
International reports that "[u]nrest at government policies regarding
national integration and the application of the Citizenship Act became
widespread in southern Bhutan from early 1990 onwards."[77]
The Bhutan Peoples Party (BPP) was formed in June, 1990, and, together with the
Student Union of Bhutan (SUB) and PFHR, organized demonstrations and protests in
September and October, 1990. Some
of these rallies resulted in violent conflict between the dissidents and the
authorities. Reports of government
violence sometimes were highly exaggerated by refugees, such as the reported
massacre of 300 people at a September, 1990 demonstration at Charmachi Bridge in
Samchi.[78] But in spite of the
hyperbole in some cases, reports of government shootings cannot be dismissed.
Many refugees received medical treatment for severe injuries and bullet
wounds, and refugees report the names of 19 people killed
by government gunfire during the months of September and October, 1990.[79]
The
government alleges increasingly violent activity by "anti-nationals",
or ngolops. Reports include murders of census officials, attacks on government
facilities, and looting of local homes. Most
of the schools in the south were converted into army barracks and health services
were severely limited. In addition
to those claiming abuse by security forces, Amnesty International interviewed
victims who report abuse by opposition groups, including forced donations to the
BPP.[80]
The issue of terrorism is considered separately and in more detail in a later
section below.
Following
the September, 1990 demonstrations, raids by the army on southern Bhutanese
homes became common. People
frequently were beaten and questioned on participation in anti-national
activities. Rape was widely
reported. Many were detained, for
periods ranging from a few days to a year, in prisons or the local schools which
were converted to army barracks and jails.
Amnesty International reports that the "total number of people
arrested since early 1990 for suspected involvement in opposition activities
runs into thousands."[81]
Assessing
Claims of Violence and Torture
Several
refugee groups have documented arrests and mistreatment witnessed in Bhutan or
reported by those arriving in the camps. The
varying parameters defining their documentation result in varying figures.
The Human Rights Organization of Bhutan (HUROB) documents 509 cases of
male torture victims and 64 cases of female torture victims including 37 victims
of rape; the Association of Human Rights Activists (AHURA) reports the names of
845 males and females who were imprisoned in Bhutan and now reside in the Jhapa
camps; the Kathmandu-based Centre for Victims of Torture (CVICT) works with rape
victims and reports 138 victims presently in the camps; and Save the Children
Fund (SCF-UK) indicates 387 refugees seeking specialized treatment for the
effects of violence.[82]
Amnesty International's report includes numerous accounts of witnesses
and survivors describing
torture,
rape, and deaths in custody.[83]
A 1993 report of the U.N. Special Rapporteur on Torture cites numerous
allegations of torture which are not confirmed or denied.[84]
Similarly, the U.N. Special Rapporteur on Extrajudicial, Summary or Arbitrary
Executions did not have enough information to reach a conclusion concerning 185
alleged executions.[85] The government
of Bhutan denies torture and claims refugees are "carefully tutored by the
BNDP and HUROB cadres" and taught to "narrate horrendous tales of
torture, rape and other fabricated excesses by Bhutanese security forces."[86]How reliable is the reporting of torture in Bhutan?
The
office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) commissioned
a study conducted by sociologist and social worker Cindy Dubble to evaluate the
extent of the problem and assess the needs of victims of violence in the camps.
After correlating the various lists of victims, Dubble interviewed a
random sample of 100 men from a composite list of 850 reported male victims in
the camps, and 38 women out of 150 reported rape victims.[87]
Through in depth interviews, consideration of corroborating evidence such as
medical reports, and cross-checking for consistency between interviews, Dubble
verified torture in 95 of the 100 reported torture cases.[88]
The more personally and culturally sensitive issue of rape was less easily
verifiable, with Dubble confirming rape in 63% of the cases and violence (though
not strictly rape under a formal definition) in 21 % of the cases.
The remaining cases were confirmed as victims of violence, yet
determinations concerning rape were inclusive.[89]
Victims
universally suffered severe beatings and most were kept tied or in handcuffs.
All report horrendous conditions of confinement in small or crowded
spaces with inadequate sanitation facilities and minimal, or purposely polluted,
food. Common forms of torture
include the wearing of shackles welded onto the victims' legs, solitary
confinement, and exposure to severe cold weather.
A frequent interrogation technique involves placing thick boards above
and below the victims thigh, tied at one end.
During questioning a guard stands on the top board, putting unbearable
pressure on the leg. Many methods
of torture involve degrading behaviors, such as being paraded naked or being
made to imitate animals and combat each other in mock "bull-fights"
for the guards' entertainment. This list is far from exhaustive and detailed statements of
victims of torture are found in most publications on the refugee situations.[90]
Dubble's report includes a thorough listing of commonly used methods of torture,
sorted by the various places of detention where they are practiced.
Her list includes the names of perpetrators who were recognized or known
by their victims.[91]
Women
face special problems as survivors of rape and torture.
For many men, surviving torture was traumatic, yet for Hindu women who
are raped, trauma can be compounded with great shame and stigmatization.
Some women report rejection by husbands and families, while others are
afraid to talk about their experiences for fear of rejection.
Other victims have had to deal with pregnancies and children resulting
from rapes.
Some
special services are provided in the camps for victims of violence.
SCF-UK provides medical services and CVICT, in conjunction with AHURA,
initiated a program providing counseling for rape victims and medical treatment
in Kathmandu for some torture victims. A
group of refugees have started Bhutanese Refugees Assisting Victims of Violence
(BRAVVE), an income generating project teaching tailoring skills to victims.
Programs like BRAVVE are a good model and other such projects should be
developed. But a broader population
of the camp also needs such programs, and when these programs are mainstream all
can participate without continuing identification as a victim.
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